Representation of Africa online: sourcing practice and frames of reference

The dominant perspective on the representation of Africa in the western media claims that western media coverage is bias and crisis orientated and the liberal perspective claims that the coverage of Africa is not as negative as is often assumed. However, there is a paucity of literature on the representation of Africa online. This research enquiry is relevant because literature claims that the Internet has the potential to resolve the journalistic predicament of representing other culture through political participation and deliberation. But this requires a re-orientation of the sourcing practice of news organization to embrace sensitivity to and knowledge of African cultures. Moreover, the journalistic predicament can be resolved or not depending on the news gathering approach adopted by the news organization. Literature has identified two approaches, that is, ‘gatekeeping’ used mainly by dominant traditional media and ‘gatewatching’ used by alternative media in their quest to counter mainstream ideology. This study examines the impacts of the ‘gatewatching’ approach adopted by Africa Have Your Say (AHYS) website on its representation and frames of reference of Africa. It uses on-site observation, in-depth interviews and textual analysis to gather data. The study found that although the sourcing practice at the AHYS is elaborate and complex, the ‘gatewatching’ approach makes its susceptible to second level agenda setting. Hence, its frame repeats the attributes and tone used by the mainstream traditional media. However, a minority of users did not use repeat this frame in their comments

Survival or Sustainability? Contributions of Innovatively-Managed News Ventures to the Future of Egyptian Journalism

In the repressive political climate prevailing in Egypt in 2013-15, news ventures aspiring to high standards of reporting were forced to innovate. This paper analyses three Egyptian start-ups that experimented with novel revenue streams and news services during that period, to gain insights into their approaches to managing journalism. In the process it compares different criteria for assessing sustainability and concludes that, in adverse political environments, narrow economic measures of profitability and survival may give a misleading picture as to the sustainability of the kind of journalism conducive to democratic practice. Operating collaboratively, transparently and ethically may slow productivity and profitability in the short term while laying stronger foundations for durable relations among media teams, as well as with readers and advertisers, in the long run

Conceptualizing a distributed, multi-scalar global public sphere through activist communication practices in the World Social Forum

This article contributes to debate about how to conceptualize the global public sphere. Drawing on media practice theory and ethnographic research on media activism in the World Social Forum, it shows how ‘global publics’ can be constituted through a diverse range of activist communication practices that complicate both conventional hierarchies of scale and contemporary theorizations of publics as personalized networks. It develops an understanding of the global public sphere as an emergent formation made up of multiple, interlinked publics at different scales and emphasizes the significance of collective communication spaces for actors at the margins of the global network society

Increasing female participation in municipal elections via the use of local radio in conflict-affected settings: The case of the West Bank municipal elections 2017

The 2017 West Bank Municipal elections were framed by locally-based non-governmental organisations (NGOs) and the Palestinian Authorities – albeit to a lesser extent – in terms of the desirability of increasing female participation in them in two particular ways: participation as representatives and participation as voters. Both aspects of participation were supported by extensive radio campaigns conducted by locally-based NGOs. The effectiveness of these campaigns and the approaches used form the basis of this article. Using a mixed methods approach consisting of both quantitative and qualitative data, it concludes that radio has endemic socio-technical advantages for reaching women, particularly in conflict-affected areas, and that broadcasting content aimed at women by women is essential in terms of increasing their representation and voting

Media(ted) discourses and climate change : a focus on political subjectivity and (dis)engagement

Research has shown that the media are the main source of information and the main factor shaping people’s awareness and concern in relation to climate change and therefore have an important role in setting the public agenda. As a key forum for the production, reproduction and transformation of the meaning of public issues, the media influence understandings of risks, responsibilities, as well as of the functioning of democratic politics. This article argues that the media also matter to citizens’ perception of their (potential) political agency or their political subjectivity. Media representations construct particular ‘subject positions’ for individuals and cultivate dispositions to action or inaction. The article discusses the importance of citizens’ political engagement with climate change and points out some aspects of media(ted) discourses that may constrain the perceived possibilities of participation in the politics of climate change. While engagement with climate change has multiple dimensions and a number of barriers have been identified through empirical studies, this article offers a critique of the role of the media in political engagement with the problem and suggests avenues for future research.The author is grateful to the Portuguese Funda A, o para a CiIncia e a Tecnologia for funding the project 'The Politics of Climate Change: Discourses and Representations' (POCI/COM56973/2004), to Jan Zienkowski for relevant comments on this paper, and to the reviewers who provided detailed feedback

Janus-faced EPHB4-associated disorders: novel pathogenic variants and unreported intrafamilial overlapping phenotypes.

PURPOSE: Several clinical phenotypes including fetal hydrops, central conducting lymphatic anomaly or capillary malformations with arteriovenous malformations 2 (CM-AVM2) have been associated with EPHB4 (Ephrin type B receptor 4) variants, demanding new approaches for deciphering pathogenesis of novel variants of uncertain significance (VUS) identified in EPHB4, and for the identification of differentiated disease mechanisms at the molecular level. METHODS: Ten index cases with various phenotypes, either fetal hydrops, CM-AVM2, or peripheral lower limb lymphedema, whose distinct clinical phenotypes are described in detail in this study, presented with a variant in EPHB4. In vitro functional studies were performed to confirm pathogenicity. RESULTS: Pathogenicity was demonstrated for six of the seven novel EPHB4 VUS investigated. A heterogeneity of molecular disease mechanisms was identified, from loss of protein production or aberrant subcellular localization to total reduction of the phosphorylation capability of the receptor. There was some phenotype-genotype correlation; however, previously unreported intrafamilial overlapping phenotypes such as lymphatic-related fetal hydrops (LRFH) and CM-AVM2 in the same family were observed. CONCLUSION: This study highlights the usefulness of protein expression and subcellular localization studies to predict EPHB4 variant pathogenesis. Our accurate clinical phenotyping expands our interpretation of the Janus-faced spectrum of EPHB4-related disorders, introducing the discovery of cases with overlapping phenotypes

Restricting digital sites of dissent: commercial social media and free expression

The widespread use of commercial social media platforms by protesters and activists has enhanced protest mobilisation and reporting but it has placed social media providers in the intermediary role as facilitators of dissent and has thereby created new challenges. Companies like Google and Facebook are increasingly restricting content that is published on or distributed through their platforms; they have been subject to obstruction by governments; and their services have been at the core of large-scale data collection and surveillance. This article analyses and categorises forms of infrastructure-based restrictions on free expression and dissent. It shows how private intermediaries have been incorporated into state-led content policies; how they set their own standards for legitimate online communication and intervene accordingly; and how state-based actions and commercial self-regulation intersect in the specific area of online surveillance. Based on a broad review of cases, it situates the role of social media in the wider trend of the privatisation of communications policy and the complex interplay between state-based regulation and commercial rule-making

“Making voices heard…”: Index on Censorship as Advocacy Journalism

The magazine Index on Censorship has sought, since its launch in 1972, to provide a space where censorship and abuses against freedom of expression have been identified, highlighted and challenged. Originally set up by a collection of writers and intellectuals who were concerned at the levels of state censorship and repression of artists in and under the influence of the Soviet Union and elsewhere, ‘Index’ has provided those championing the values of freedom of expression with a platform for highlighting human rights abuses, curtailment of civil liberties and formal and informal censorship globally. Charting its inception and development between 1971 and 1974, the paper is the first to situate the journal within the specific academic literature on activist media (Janowitz, 1975; Waisbord, 2009; Fisher, 2016). In doing so the paper advances an argument which draws on the drivers and motivations behind the publication’s launch to signal the development of a particular justification or ‘advocacy’ of a left-libertarian civic model of freedom of speech

Pioneers of World Wide Web Fascism: The British Extreme Right and Web 1.0

This chapter explores the ways that, around the turn of the millennium, British fascist organisations, such as the British National Party, and leading ideologues, such as David Irving, developed websites as part of their activism. It uses the Internet Archive’s Wayback Machine to engage in a ‘web history’ of this early online activism by British fascists. It argues that websites could sometimes be used to help present British fascist politics as more respectable, as in the case of the BNP, or alternatively as a way to allow activists access to the fringe cultic milieu of British fascism, steeped in conspiracy theories, overt neo-Nazism and other ideas deeply oppositional to mainstream perspectives. It concludes that, although often amateurish and poorly resourced, British fascist groups were often eager early adopters of Web 1.0, and argues that a deeper understating of this early ‘web history’ offers important context for those studying contemporary forms of extreme right online activism

Author Correction: Novel mutations in PIEZO1 cause an autosomal recessive generalized lymphatic dysplasia with non-immune hydrops fetalis.

This Article contains an error in the last sentence of the 'Variant analysis suggests they are pathogenic' section of the Results, which incorrectly reads 'No truncated PIEZO1 protein products were identified in western blot analysis in GLD1:II.3 and GLD2:II.2 (Fig. 2, Supplementary Fig. 6), suggesting that the truncated protein is not stable and therefore degraded.' This should read 'No full-size PIEZO1 protein products were identified in western blot analysis in GLD1:II.3 and GLD2:II.2 (Fig. 2, Supplementary Fig. 6); the three nonsense mutations are predicted to lead to premature termination of the protein, hence it is possible that those truncated proteins will be non-functional or even unstable and degraded.' The error has not been fixed in the PDF or HTML versions of the Article